Ethical Issues Of Engineering Design - 10298 Words

ETHICAL AND SUSTAINABILITY REPORT ETHICAL ISSUES IN ENGINEERING DESIGN - A CASE STUDY - â€Å"DutchEVO† ABSTRACT Engineering main task is to perform and invent. Present Engineering, as a driving means of technology has reached heights in ethical issues. This discusses the impact of Engineering Ethics in design technology. It focusses on ethical issues that has a direct impact on the design of product and how it is being used in day to day life. This generally discusses ethical problems in safety and sustainability with developments in technologies. INTRODUCTION Rapid progress has been made in engineering domain over the last 10 years, with a great importance on ethical and social responsibilities. Engineering is not just about applying scientific theories or finding solutions. It also has to do with improving the social life, society overall by getting engineers into mainstream industry for business. Every engineers gets involved with circumstances that require the understanding of the ethical facts and rules. Engineering has a great dependencies on society. As a result of new technologies, new products and new risks developments. Many a decisions during this phase affects the risk and developments of products which are ethically relevant. We call a problem an ethical or moral when moral values are at stake. There are different source of moral values. Rights, utility, allegiances. The term ethical issue indicates an engineer’s work fromShow MoreRelatedCase Analysis : Incident At Morales1189 Words   |  5 Pagesat Morales â€Å"Incident at Morales† is a video that presents an engineering ethics story. It was developed and produced by the National Institute for Engineering Ethics, in conjunction with Murdough center for Engineering Professionalism at Texas Tech University. 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The Gothic as an Outlet for the Repression of the Society...

The Gothic as an Outlet for the Repression of the Society The gothic is shown as an outlet for the repression of the society in many ways. In Jane Eyre, immorality, women, madness and sexual desires/passions are being suppressed to ensure that they do not occur on the surface. However, the Gothic uses archetypal symbols, unexpressed passions, the double, madness, death, darkness and supernatural as an outlet for repression. Irrational and aberrant desires are shunned upon in any conservative society that functions on reason and logic. Therefore institutions like religion and moral codes are established, hitherto to modern days, to maintain a status quo and repress such behavior. The Gothic,†¦show more content†¦It can be argued that religion is used as an outlet for repressed romantic passion as seen in the case of St Johns Rivers. As a man of religion, (h)e will sacrifice all (including his romantic passions for Rosamond) to his long-framed resolves (of Christianity). Although he hides (the) fever in his vitals and locks every feeling and pang within, he could not bound all that he had in his natureà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ in the limits of a single passion. He becomes overtly involved in the driven ambition to attain a high position in his vocation and to go to heaven. In a certain extent, he becomes materialistic in terms of his social standing as a clergyman. There and then, the Gothic distorts th e role of religion as a haven for the soul to be a relentless fight for materialistic value. Women are being repressed in Jane Eyre and through the use of Gothic as an outlet, this repression from society is conveyed. For example, outlets such the use of Archetypal symbols, the Double and Madness as an outlet for repressed women helps to convey the repressed feelings to society. The use of the symbol of fire helps in portraying Bertha Masons anger towards Rochester, her husband. 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The character of the Sinner is held up as mirror reflecting both the human condition as

Democratization of Uruguay Free Essays

string(89) " damaging to democracy was the curtailment of human right trails for military officials\." Giancarlo Orichio Dr. A. Arraras CPO 3055 20 November 2008 Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Uruguay A study of democratization presumes that the meaning of democratization is self-evident: defined simply as a transition of a political system from non-democracy towards accountable and representative government practices. We will write a custom essay sample on Democratization of Uruguay or any similar topic only for you Order Now (Grugel 3) A concept that is valid in Uruguayan politics however, has an element of potential risk that will be the topic of further analysis. Assessment of the latter will enable us to determine why Uruguay is the only one of the four former â€Å"bureaucratic-authoritarian† regimes in South America that includes Chile, Brazil, and Argentina to attain this debatably political status quo. Guillermo O’Donnell described this type of regime as an institution that uses coercive measures to respond to what they view as threats to capitalism, whereas, the only means of opposing this repressive government is by an â€Å"unconditional commitment to democracy. (O’Donnell xiii) The hierarchically lead bureaucratic-authoritarian regime as a political actor poses a possible advantage to democratization insofar that the military-as-institution may consider that their interests are best served by extrication from the military-as-government. However, seizing power to a new governing body without imposing strong constraints is improbable and has occurred predictably in Uruguayan democratic transition. Understanding th e obstacle faced by the newly fragile democratic government in managing the military and eliminating its reserved domains brings us to the task at hand. First, I will analyze the political history in Uruguay that lead up to the no doubt controversial argument that it has attained democratic consolidation. Secondly, I will analyze the factors that either contributed or hindered its journey to representative democracy; ultimately, arriving to the conclusion that Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan describe as a â€Å"risk-prone† consolidated democracy. On 25 August 1825, Juan Antonio Lavalleja, at the head of a group of patriots called the â€Å"treinta y tres orientales,† issued a declaration of independence. After a three-year fight, a peace treaty signed on 28 August 1828 guaranteed Uruguay’s independence. During this period of political turmoil and civil war, the two political parties around which Uruguayan history has traditionally revolved, the Colorados and the Blancos, were founded. â€Å"Even by West Europen standards, [Uruguay] had a tradition of high party identification and a clear sense of a left-right index. † (Linz 152) Uruguay’s first president, Gen. Jose Fructuoso Rivera, an ally of Artigas, founded the Colorados. The second president, Brig. Gen. Manuel Oribe, a friend of Lavalleja, founded the Blancos. The 19th century was largely a struggle between the two factions. However, it was not until the election of Jose Batlle y Ordonez as president in 1903 that Uruguay matured as a nation. The Batlle administrations (1903–7, 1911–15) marked the period of greatest economic performance. A distinguished statesman, Batlle initiated the social welfare system codified in the Uruguayan constitution. From then on, Uruguay’s social programs, funded primarily by earnings of beef and wool in foreign markets, gave Uruguay the revered soubriquet â€Å"Switzerland of South America. † After World War II, the Colorados ruled, except for an eight-year period from 1958–66. It was during the administration of President Jorge Pacheco Areco (1967–72) that Uruguay entered a political and social crisis. As wool declined in world markets, export earnings no longer kept pace with the need for greater social expenditures. Political instability resulted, most dramatically in the emergence of Uruguay’s National Liberation Movement, popularly known as the Tupamaros. This well-organized urban guerrilla movement adopted Marxist and nationalist ideals while on the other hand, most nationally important actors were disloyal or at best semi-loyal to the already established democratic regime. Their revolutionary activities, coupled with the worsening economic situation, exacerbated Uruguay’s political uncertainty. Gradually, the military-as institution assumed a greater role in government and by 1973 was in complete control of the political system. By the end of 1973, the Tupamaros had been successfully controlled and suppressed by the military-as-institution. In terms of systematic repression, as Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan stated, â€Å"Uruguay was the most deeply repressive of the four South American bureaucratic-authoritarian regimes. (Linz 152) Amnesty international denounced Uruguay for human rights violations; in 1979, they estimated the number of political prisoners jailed at a ratio of 1 per 600, Chile and Argentina were respectively 1 in 2,000 and 1 in 1,200. (Linz 152) By 1977 the military announced that they would devise a new constitution with the intentions to â€Å"strengthen democracy. † The new constitution would be submitted to a plebis cite in 1980, and if ratified elections with a single presidential candidate nominated by both the Colorados and the Blancos and approved by the military would be held the following year. The post-authoritarian transition to democracy began in Uruguay when the democratic opposition won the plebiscite. By the 1980’s the military did not have an offensive plan to lift Uruguay from its uninterrupted bad economic performance, the Tupamaros had in fact been defeated by 1973, so a defense project against urban guerrilla was unnecessary. The military had no civil or political support, and with there loss in the plebiscite, whose results they said they would respect, tarnished the military’s political leverage significantly. Thus, the democratic opposition in the form of the two major catch all political parties that have governed de jure since the 19 century presented a non threatening alternative despite their disloyal behavior before the authoritarian coup d’etat . As previously touched on, the opportunities presented by a hierarchical military favoring democratic transition is the possibility that the leading officers of the military-as-institution will come to the conclusion that the cost of non democratic rule is greater than the cost of extrication. With the main interest resting in a stable state that will in turn allow the military to become a functioning sector of the state apparatus. However, this does not preclude the possibility of non democratic prerogatives in the transfer. The party-military negotiation called the Naval Club Pact disqualified Wilson Ferreira of the Blanco party to be nominated as president, pushed for guarantees concerning their own autonomy, and the most damaging to democracy was the curtailment of human right trails for military officials. You read "Democratization of Uruguay" in category "Papers" Elections were held in 1985 were Julio Maria Sanguinetti from the Colorado party became the first democratically elected candidate in the 1977 constitution. Because of strong public discontent with Military Amnesty granted during the transition, the curtailment was sent to a referendum in 1989, were it approved the amnesty and gained democratic legitimacy by 57%. It has to be stated that the majority of Uruguayan opposed the amnesty, however the fragile democratic government confronted a troubling decision. They could have breached the Naval Club Pact and tried military officer for heir human right offenses and risked military refusal and therefore a crisis in their own authority. Or they could have hastily granted them amnesty at the cost of lowered prestige in the new democracy. It is safe to assume that the electorate voted to let the amnesty law stand not because it was just but more so to avoid a crisis. By 1992 the left-wing Frente Amplio was integrated into Uruguayan politics without any other major party leaders deeming them unacceptable arriving to the quarrelsome argument that Uruguay became a consolidated democracy. Uruguay’s economic development can be divided into two starkly contrasting periods. During the first period, when it earned its valued sobriquet â€Å"Switzerland of South America,† from the late 1800s until the 1950s, Uruguay achieved remarkable growth and a high standard of living. Expanding livestock exports; principally beef and wool accounted for its economic development. The advanced social welfare programs, which redistributed wealth from the livestock sector to the rest of the economy, raised the standard of living for the majority of the population and contributed to the development of new industries. When export earnings faltered in the 1950s, however, the fabric of Uruguay’s economy had begun to unravel. The country entered a decades-long period of economic stagnation. It was during the administration of President Jorge Pacheco Areco (1967–72) that Uruguay entered a political and social crisis. As wool and beef demands declined in world markets, export earnings no longer kept pace with the need for greater social expenditures causing bad economic performance that lead to the bureaucratic-authoritarian take over of government. Although the old democratic regime was not able to lift economic prosperity neither was the military-as-government. Bad economic performance still plagued the nation throughout authoritarian rule. By 1980 the military had no agenda in combating the bad economic performance that helped unveil the inadequacies of the non democratic regime. In fact, economic performance has been in a decline since 1950’s until today. Although the legitimacy that the democratic system posses in Uruguay is strong, the capacity, or as Stepan and Linz say, the â€Å"efficacy† of the democratic system in resolving the stagnant economy is low. Thus, making Uruguay’s democracy risk-prone due to an unsolved economic performance. Since the economy has been the number one issue affecting Uruguayans since the end of their golden era in the early 19 century. A public opinion poll was asked to upper class respondents weather a political alternative from the authoritarian regime at the time would speed rather than slow economic recuperation. By a margin of 2 to 1 they believed it would, more surprisingly was a 7 to 1 response to the question if a new democratic regime would bring more tranquility and public order. In 1985, of the nine institutions evaluated in terms of trust, political parties ranked highest with a net score of 57 and the armed forces with a net score of negative 73. Only 5% viewed the military sympathetically while 78% viewed the military with antipathy. (Linz 153) In my studies concerning democratization never did democracy start with such rejection of the political role of the military from all class coalitions alike. During the first half on the 19th century the norm was a two party system similar to that of the United States in that there was â€Å"low fragmentation and low polarization. † (Linz 163) However, contrary to the American vetting process the Uruguayan had a peculiar electoral system known as the double simultaneous vote that allows all parties to run multiple candidate for the presidency. This did not present a problem until after the 1960’s when presidents routinely were elected with less than 25% of the vote because of the amount of candidates running. This creates party fragmentation that can hinder democracy. The fact that the old regime political structure remains untouched means that the opportunity for constitutional change was missed and this presents a potential democratic upheaval. Behaviorally, by 1968-73 political elites were at best semi-loyal to the democratic system that soon caused the authoritarian regime to take over government, and one thing that can be done from previous failures in democratic attempts is to learn from their missteps. Stepan and Linz clearly state that for the consolidation of democracy loyalty to the system as well as the perception that all other parties are loyal to the democratic process plays a crucial role. (Linz 156) By 1985 not one of the twelve major factions of the three leading parties perceived the other parties to be acting disloyal. As well as the mere fact that the once unacceptable left-wing party, Frente Amplio, held the mayoral position of Montevideo by 1989 and then the presidency by 2004 demonstrates the positive elite choices that contributed to democracy. Since Uruguay’s troublesome and long fought battle for independence in August 25, 1828 Uruguay did not encounter any â€Å"intermestic† stateness problems. As far as Washington relations to Latin America and in particular Uruguay, the United States continues to pursue hegemony over the region. The neo-liberal reforms in place in the region are bound by the restraints of the global market and for a country like Uruguay it is very difficult to compete with such superpowers. These reforms have often left the lower classes impoverish and desperate while the upper classes and Washington feed their gluttonous appetites. The civilian government in Uruguay has found it increasingly difficult to enforce these foreign economic influences that can potentially result in authoritarian means of accomplishment. As a member of MERCOSUR, Mercado Comun del Sur, Uruguay faced foreign political influences to liberalize its economy during the 1990s, as economic giants, and MERCOSUR partners Brazil and Argentina had done. This can be potentially devastating to democracy except that Uruguay in the 1980’s had a gross national product (GNP) per capita income of 2,820, higher than any of its MERCOSUR counterparts. However, we must remember that Uruguay has been experiencing a downward economic performance since the mid 1900’s and is a potential risk that needs to be addressed to preserve democracy. United States foreign policy in Uruguay and in the rest of Latin America has encouraged for the liberalization of markets. The side effect of neo-liberal reform is the zero-sum element that produces excessive amounts of losers. Essentially the contrary to what it is intended to produce. These superpower polices implemented creates few winners most of which are â€Å"elites with government connection [that] have been the primary beneficiaries of the sweeping economic transformation. † (Kingstone 196) This transcends business when the only means of preserving this market economy is through potential authoritarian means. The contentious claim that Uruguay is a consolidated democracy since 1992 is threefold, first, because of the reluctance to fix the already proven failed double simultaneous vote electoral system. Secondly, because of civil-military relations concerning human rights violation during authoritarian rule, although was legitimized by democratic referendum, but more importantly budgetary cuts that have been implemented as a result of bad economic performance. Finally, and most importantly, Uruguayans accept democracy as the most legitimate political game, but also recognize its incapacity to fix the troubling economy, producing this efficacy-legitimacy gap that can be potentially destructive for democracy. These three factors give Uruguay the title of a risk-prone democracy. Works Cited Kingstone, Peter R. , ed. Readings in Latin American Politics. New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2006. Linz, Juan, and Alfred Stepan. Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996. O’Donnell, Guillermo. Modernization and Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism: Studies in South American Politics. Berkley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, 1973. How to cite Democratization of Uruguay, Papers

Initial Design Report Sensing and Controlling

Question: Discuss about the Initial Design Report for Sensing and Controlling. Answer: Introduction In this project, a water level indicator design has been proposed. The Water Level Indicator will be designed using PIC 16F887. The final product designed would consist of the electronics part pf the product, which would be a Water Level Indicator with sensors and PIC microcontroller, and the product packaging, which would be designed on a 3D modelling software. The product packaging will be used to mount the software and it will also provide an interface to the user. The electronics part of the Water Level Indicator wold consist of the PIC microcontroller, the sensors, oscillators, voltage regulator, display circuit, and other necessary components of the circuit. Background Of Water Level Indicator A Water Level Indicator is a very important product. It can be installed on an overhead tank, to monitor the level of water. Specific levels can be specified for the indications, which are when reached, the Water Level Indicator can display the same to the user. The level of water can be tracked, and necessary action can be taken before the water overflows from the tank. Thus, the product Water Level Indicator would help in checking the wastage of water as well as energy. The product works on the basic idea that water is a good conductor of electricity. Design Justification The product would consist of indicator levels, which would serve as reference points for the water. When the water will reach those reference points, the user will be notified of the level reached by the water. The display attached to the product will serve the purpose of indicating the level reached. The reference points would consists of conducting plates to complete the circuit when water reached them. They will work as sensors in the Water Level Indicator. A voltage regulator will be included in the design, which would be needed for controlling the supply of voltage to the PIC microcontroller, and other electronic components and prevent them from any voltage surge. The oscillator circuit will be used to clock the PIC microcontroller. The product packaging will be designed such that all the components of the product can fit in the circuit completely, except sensors, and display can be viewed from it. Product Requirements Various requirements of the product, including their design details and specification, are: Power Supply Requirement The Water Level Indicator will be provided with a voltage regulator, to control the power supply received by its various components. The PIC microcontroller can be provided up to 5V. An additional output of 12V will be provided by the voltage regulator, which can be used for controlling additional components, like motors to control the water input to the tank at some later stage of product extension, in the voltage regulator. A proposed circuit for the voltage regulator is included below: Sensors The water level sensors will be installed at various levels of the tank. The sensors will receive the data when water reaches them, and will then transmit it to the PIC microcontroller, so that necessary action can be taken. The sensors work on the principle that water is a good conductor of electricity. Thus, when the water reaches the sensors, the circuit is completed, and a trigger is initiated, which can be monitored by the microcontroller to know the current level of water. The proposed sensor setup has been given below. Display Unit The LCD display will be used in the product. The LCD will be interfaced with the microcontroller using output ports of the PIC microcontroller. The display unit, LCD, will be used for display of level of water in the tank. In addition to LCD, LEDs will be used for indication of level of water. The LEDs will be connected to the PIC Microcontroller in series with resistors. Each LED will indicate the current level of water, that is, the current sensors that has been touched by the water. It will be automatically updated. Oscillator Crystal Oscillator will be used with the microcontroller. The oscillator will be used to clock the microcontroller, so that the auto update, continuous clock run, etc. can run according to the baud rate. The oscillator circuit will be interfaced at the oscillator input and output ports of the microcontroller. Engineering Specification The specifications of the proposed Water Level Indicator are as follows: The Water Level Indicator will be able to monitor five levels of water. This corresponds to five sends installed in the water tank. The Water Level Indicator will use PIC 16F887 for receiving the data from the sensors, controlling the display components, that is LEDs and LCD. The voltage regulator will have two output ports: One for PIC Microcontroller, with 5V output. One for proposed motor interface in project extension n future, with 12V output. The complete setup is expected to fit in a box of size 30cm by 15cm. This would include the microcontroller, voltage regulator, display units (LEDs and LCD) etc. The sensors will not be included in this packaging. The sensors will be installed in the water tank. The output pins of PIC microcontroller will be used to interface the display units of the product. The input pins of PIC microcontroller will be used to interface sensors of the product. The digital output and analog input pins will be used in this product, from the PIC 16F87. Proposed Design Diagram The proposed circuit diagram for the product has been included below: The diagram include all the components that would be used in the product designing, including their proposed port mapping with the PIC Microcontroller. The interface with LCD, LED and sensors has also been shown. The oscillator circuit has been included with the interface with the microcontroller. References Reza, S.K., Tariq, S.A.M. and Reza, S.M., 2010, October. Microcontroller based automated water level sensing and controlling: design and implementation issue. In Proceedings of the world congress on engineering and computer science (Vol. 1, pp. 20-22). Peso, D., 1988. Water level indicator. U.S. Patent 4,757,305. Nzioka, S., 2016. Water Level Indicator (Doctoral dissertation, United States International University-Africa). Oerbeck, I., 1962. Water Level Indicator (No. KR-23). Norway. Institut for Atomenergi, Kjeller. Rakshit, D., Baral, B., Datta, S., Deb, P.B., Mukherjee, P. and Paul, S., Water Level Indicator. Murase, M. and Araki, H., 1996. Water level indicator.